
Cambodia’s development discourse has shifted from “human resources” to “human capital,” reflecting a growing recognition that long-term growth depends on people’s skills, productivity, and capabilities. Viewed from this perspective, child marriage is not only a social or cultural issue, but also a development challenge.
According to childmarriagedata.org, women account for around 51 percent of Cambodia’s population. Among them, approximately 1.3 million were married before the age of 18, while 178,400 were married before the age of 15.
Child marriage is more common among girls from poorer households, where families may face economic pressure, limited access to education, or strong social expectations around marriage. At the same time, early marriage can reinforce poverty by reducing girls’ educational attainment and limiting their ability to participate fully in the workforce. This creates a cycle in which poverty increases the risk of child marriage, and child marriage reduces the opportunity to escape poverty.
From a human-capital perspective, the cost is not only borne by the individual girl. It also affects families, communities, and the national economy. Lower educational attainment can reduce lifetime earnings. Limited workforce participation can reduce household income and national productivity. Early pregnancy can also increase health risks and place additional pressure on public services. These effects are especially relevant for Cambodia as it seeks to strengthen its labor force, move toward higher-value economic activities, and prepare for long-term development goals.
Cambodia already has a legal and policy foundation to address the issue. Under the Civil Code of 2007, the minimum legal age of marriage is 18 for both girls and boys. The Ministry of Women’s Affairs has also identified early marriage as a violation of human rights and children’s rights. More recently, the Ministry has been working with relevant ministries, institutions, and sub-national administrations to prepare the National Action Plan on the Prevention of Child Marriage and Teenage Pregnancy 2026–2030.
However, the main policy challenge is not the absence of laws or strategies. It is the implementation gap.
At the local level, commune councils, school administrators, local authorities, and community leaders are often closest to the issue. They are more likely to know when a girl has dropped out of school, when a family is arranging an early marriage, or when social pressure is being placed on children. However, the lines of responsibility among these actors remain unclear. Without clear reporting mechanisms, accountability structures, and coordination between local authorities and national institutions, policy commitments may not translate into effective protection.
Another challenge is geographical targeting. Current policy attention has often focused on northeastern provinces such as Ratanakiri, Stung Treng, and Mondulkiri, where child marriage rates are higher. This focus is understandable because limited resources should be directed to areas with greater risk. However, child marriage should not be treated as only a remote-province issue. A targeted approach is necessary, but it should be combined with national monitoring to ensure that vulnerable girls in other provinces are not overlooked.
Child marriage is therefore not only a question of legal age or social tradition. It is a policy issue connected to education, poverty reduction, gender equality, public health, and labor-force development.