
Many decades ago, Cambodia was often described as the “sick man of Southeast Asia,” a shorthand used by external observers to capture the country’s post-conflict fragility and economic hardship. Today, that label is no longer casually applied to Cambodia. Instead, a recent analysis by East Asia Forum has posed a far more sensitive question: Is Thailand becoming the sick man of Southeast Asia?
What this article emphasises is not the diagnosis of Thailand’s economic slowdown alone, but the way the author explicitly links Thailand’s domestic political dysfunction to its external behaviour, most notably its renewed border tensions with Cambodia. In addition, Thailand’s border conflicts with its neighbours may not be accidental disagreements, but symptoms, as the analysis situates them within Thailand’s deeper structural problems: weak growth, demographic decline, low productivity, and, above all, decades of interrupted democratic rule and the persistent dominance of unelected “tutelary” powers.
Thailand, the region’s second-largest economy, now finds itself trapped in a cycle in which political instability undermines economic reform, and domestic uncertainty spills outward into foreign policy. The deterioration of relations with Cambodia is thus not incidental. It reflects how unresolved internal struggles between elected authorities and military, judicial, and royalist veto players shape Thailand’s capacity to act as a predictable and law-abiding neighbour.
Recently, Thailand decided to demolish a Hindu statue along the border with Cambodia. Cambodian officials stated that the statue was built in 2014 on Cambodian territory and was knocked down on 22 December. According to Srait Time, a Google Maps search showed that the statue’s location was around 400 metres from the border, on the Cambodian side.
An opinion piece published by Khaosod English questioned whether Thailand was becoming “war-drunk” following reports of the demolition of a giant Cambodian Hindu statue. The article questioned whether such actions reflect a broader slide toward unrestrained nationalism rather than legitimate border management. In response, Prime Minister Anutin stated, “A destroyed statue cannot be compared with the limbs our soldiers have lost, nor can it be compared with acts of desecration. I would not make such a comparison at all.”
This is not the first time that Thailand has destroyed religious sites, including world heritage locations. Cambodia’s Ministry of National Defence has reported that Thailand destroyed various temples, bridges, and civilian areas during periods of heightened tension. What distinguishes this case is the visibility of the act itself. Video footage showing the demolition of the Vishnu statue using a backhoe circulated widely on Thai social media pages this week, making the action publicly visible.
Seen through this lens, the demolition of the statue is not only a local incident. It forms part of a broader pattern in which Thailand’s domestic political constraints appear increasingly linked to assertive and unpredictable behaviour beyond its borders. For more than 20 days, Cambodia has reported damage to infrastructure and civilian zones that Thai military authorities claim were targeted as part of operations against scam centres and perceived threats to Thai people and territory. These actions occurred without international verification prior to the destruction of the sites and have significantly affected Cambodia’s tourism sector, while also placing a heavy burden on the Cambodian government to manage mass displacement following the airstrikes.